Beware of Paul Biya the Consommate Manipulator

Beware of Paul Biya - the Consummate Manipulator

Ntemfac A.N. Ofege

The Contentious Article 6:2

Article 6 of Cameroon’s 1996 Constitution states:

(1) The President of the Republic shall be elected by a majority of the votes cast through direct, equal and secret universal suffrage.

(2) The President of the Republic shall be elected for a term of office of 7 (seven) years. He shall be eligible for re-election once.

(3) The election shall be held not less than 20 (twenty) days and not more than 50, (fifty) days before the expiry of the term of the President of the Republic in office.

(4) Where the office of President of the Republic becomes vacant as a result of death, resignation or permanent incapacity duly ascertained by the Constitutional Council, the polls for the election of the new President of the Republic must be held not less than 20 (twenty) days and not, more than 40 (forty) days after the office becomes vacant.

(a) The President of the Senate shall as of right act as interim President of the Republic until the new President of the Republic is elected. Where the President of the Senate is unable to exercise these powers, they shall be exercised by his vice, following the order of precedence.

(b) The interim President of the Republic - the President of the senate or his Vice - may neither amend the Constitution nor the composition of the Government. He may not organize a referendum or run for the office of President of the Republic.

(5) Candidates for the office of President of the Republic must be Cameroonian by birth, enjoy their civic and political rights and must have attained the age of 35 (thirty-five) by the date of the election.

(6) The conditions for electing the President of the Republic shall be laid down by law.

A Professional Manipulator at Work

The most cursory reading of the above shows that with 153 members out of 180 in parliament, Mr. Biya has the means and the numbers (via parliament and as a political action) to engineer a constitutional amendment to eternalize himself in power. If fact, the massive rigging of the June 22 elections in Cameroon was designed to give Mr. Biya a free hand to execute this clearly stated intention.

Only the most incredulous would not read meaning into the following words by Paul Biya as delivered to Ulysse Gosset on France 24’s Le Talk De Paris:

"The 2011 elections will definitely take place but I consider them distant. I have a seven-year mandate, half of which I have already completed. Presently, we have other priorities and the constitution does not permit me to run for a 3rd term. That said, we have other immediate issues: the fight against corruption, AIDS and poverty, stability in the Central African sub-region. Therefore, I think that these questions about the 2001 elections are premature...

Cameroon has other problems to resolve, but I leave it up to those who want to launch this debate. Some people say that the president should take part in the [2011] elections for continuity. I'll allow the debate take place, but for now, the constitution does not allow me to run for a third term. I also know that the constitution is not etched in stone. The people will decide what is good for them. So we are listening, however, I urge my compatriots to focus on more urgent tasks."

The constitution is not etched in stone. So it can be modified, naturally. Like Ahidjo before him, Mr. Biya is a consummate manipulator, one who rolls out trial balloons to test the waters for his political schemes.

There are precedents. Case one. Between 1982 and 1983, Mr. Biya and his clique (Philip Mataga, Jacques Fame Ndongo, and Francois Sengat-Kuo) used the manipulation of state radio (Radio Cameroon) to diabolize Ahidjo about alleged plots. The idea was to wrest the control of the CNU party from Ahidjo. The idea was also to push the Republican Guard into action to justify the extermination of this Praetorian Guard, which, at the time, was dominated by northerners.

The scheme worked. Mr. Biya took over Radio Cameroon to tell tales about assassination attempts and coup plots by Ahidjo (the man who not only freely gave him power, but also made him vice president of the CNU).

Note that on the morning of November 6, 1982 when he became president of Cameroon, Mr. Biya was a nobody in the CNU! He was not even a member of the Political Bureau. Ahidjo changed the CNU structure immediately to accommodate Biya.

And, in payment for giving him the presidency and the party, Mr. Biya used key members of his ethno-tribal base (Mataga especially) to jump-start rumours of "bicephalism" in state structures. The ever-gullible people of Cameroon so used to propaganda from Radio Cameroon believed these stories and joined Biya in diabolizing Ahidjo. The outcome was a Biya patricide and the mass burial of the Republican Guard in mass graves along the Mbalmayo road.

Case two. In 1990, Mr. Biya personally started the nationwide CPDM marches against democracy and multiparty politics by engineering Jean-Jacques Ekindi and Francoise Foning to start the street parades in Douala. The Biya engineered scheme ended in an "Unholy High Mass" celebrated in the Yaounde Cathedral by the now defunct Jean Zoa. Some semi-illiterate Anglophone politicians (Benjamin Itoe) were roped in like sheep to "Dimabola" in the streets of Buea.

We all know that they Biya scheme to halt pluralism in Cameroon failed when the then French president, Francois Mitterrand, arm-twisted the man at the Chaillot Conference to change his mind and to call on the CPDM to get ready for "eventual competition."

Case two bis. Mr. Biya tried to get journalists at the Cameroon Radio and Television, CRTV, to join the scam. Editor in Chief, Eric Chinje was commandeered to the presidency and instructed to prepare a special debate against multipartism. Mr. Biya personally handed over the list of participants in that debate (Nlep, Tomdio, Ndifontah, and Moutome) to Chinje.

This other scam failed when the guests of the TV debate instead argued fervently for multipartism in Cameroon. Mr. Biya then called TV house to cancel the broadcast of the already recorded TV debate. Jacques fame Ndongo, the then Director of presidential communications even turned up at CRTV with the administrative police – CENER to arrest the journalists. That debate has never been broadcast in Cameroon although Francophone journalist Charles Ndongo later excerpts of the recorded debate.

Some Anglophone journalists got wind of the Biya scheme and reasoned that it was most unfair for English-speaking Cameroonians to be left out of the debate. Led by Boh Herbert and Ntemfac Ofege (the deputy chief of service for politics on radio and TV, respectively) the Anglophone journalists prepared a similar debate on democracy and multiparty politics on radio in English and for the Anglophones. Members of the Anglophone intelligentsia – Profs Carlson Anyangwe, Simon Munzu, Ephraim Ngwafor, Hansel-Ndoumbe Eyoh, Tatah Mentan and Sam Nuvalla Fonkem were invited. The Anglophones refused to pay attention when Biya called for the non-broadcast of the French version of the debate on TV.

Led by George Tanni, Boh Herbert, Ntemfac Ofege, Charles Ndichia and Larry Eyong Echaw, who stood their ground against opposition from Fai Henry Fonye, Akwanka Joe Ndifor, Victor Epie Ngome, etc. the English version of the TV debate was broadcast on May 6, 1990. Mr. Biya immediately had the Anglophone journalists arrested. They were shipped off to Kondengui where they spent the night answering tough questions from the infamous administrative police – CENER. The journalists were only released when Anglophone students stated massive strike in the University of Yaounde I demanding the release of the professors and the journalists.

The swindle also failed because the Anglophone journalists had taken the precaution of informing the BBC and Amnesty International of their impending arrest. The journalists stole the fax number of the presidency, which fax number was turned over to Amnesty International members worldwide. Tons of letters from Amnesty International flooded the presidency calling for the release of the journalists. With the students on strike, the BBC calling for the release of the journalists and Amnesty International challenging Mr. Biya’s human rights record, the president released the journalists immediately.

A con man called Atanga Nji Paul

There are therefore clear signs that Biya, the consummate manipulator, is behind the current scam to change the constitution and eternalize himself in power. It is not for nothing that the current nationwide scam got started in Bamanda by…Mr. Biya’s current Minister for Special Missions (read special scams)…the ex-convict, conman and known crook Atanga Nji Paul. Any incompetent character who has failed woefully as a leader can only manipulate. Biya is the Great Manipulator. He hides behind the curtains and pulls the strings.

Case three. The manner in which Mr. Biya invented the current constitution is also dubious. After pretending that he was interested in a vast debate on the constitution, Mr. Biya banished dissenting voices and other refuseniks especially the Anglophones who were represented in a racket called the Constitutional Consultative Committee by Professors Simon Munzu and Carlson Anyangwe, Barrister Ekontang Elad and to a lesser degree Justice Benjamin Itoe. Paul Biya then organized a clandestine discussion by "phone and fax" on what Anglophone ridiculed as the "Joseph Owona Jealous Constitution."" This contentious document was later adopted on December 23^{rd 1995 by a so-called plenary of the National Assembly and then promulgated by Biya on January 18, 1996.}

That the National Assembly debated the Owona tract just two days before Christmas was also indicative. Mr. Biya took the extra precaution of giving parliamentarians huge bribe money for the Christmas Season.

Consequently, the poor devils in parliament were more pre-occupied with spending the loot for Christmas than with any a debate on the constitution.

Paul Biya thus manipulated his way into creating a constitution, one that he has not even been able to apply.

Note also that Anglophones refused to be party to this fraud over the constitution. Anglophone representatives at the Constitutional Consultative Committee, John Ngu Foncha, the man who brought Anglophones into unification with French Cameroons also pulled out.

Foncha’s withdrawal speech (also posted) remains historic.

Case five. In 2005, Paul Biya sat in a hotel in Switzerland and floated rumours of his own death. The reaction to the scam was then used for political gains.

Case six. Biya has always leaked out the names of potential appointees into his governments just to get public reaction to the names.

Case seven. The late Vianney Ombe Ndzanna once reported a conversation between Mr. Biya and some member of his family. In the report, Mr. Biya is quoted as telling his family member: "I authorized fraud in the 1997 not to this scale."

Case eight. Cameroonian newspapers have also reported that the late Andze Tsoungui falsified the tally sheets of the 1992 presidential elections at the specific request of Paul Biya. The newspapers using the American Embassy in Yaounde as source report that as the returns of the 1992 elections started turning away from Mr. Biya, Andze Tsoungui called the man.

"Monsieur le president, c’est grave..." (It’s very bad Mr. President.)

From the other end, Mr. Biya said "Je ne veux rien entendre, je veux ganger les elections." (I don’t want to know, I just want to win the elections.)

Case nine. In 1990, Albert Womah Mukong was arrested by CENER, Cameroon’s administrative police because he was the kingpin of the route to pluralism in Cameroon. Reports from Kondengui gave Mukong, a diabetic, a few days to live if he was not given urgent medical attention. Prompted by the British Embassy in Yaounde, Victor Anomah Ngu went to the presidency to plead that Mukong be forthwith released and evacuated to Britain for medical attention. A very affable Mr. Biya apparently gave Anomah Ngu the assurances that Mukong would be forthwith released and evacuated. Anomah Ngu left the presidency, a happy man. Weeks later, he received a call from Mukong. "How is it in Britain?" Anomah Ngu added. It is reported that Anomah Ngu cursed Biya’s wickedness when he learnt that Mukong was still in Kondengui and being properly service "on instructions from above."

Case ten. Germaine Ahidjo has given more than enough testimonies about Mr. Biya’s two-timing. Mrs. Ahidjo told Jeune Afrique Economie that when the news of Ahidjo’s death reached Yaounde, Mr. Biya summoned his close aides to for counsel. He went and sat in his office waiting for the aides to debate the issue in the antechamber. Contrary to the advice of some of his aides, Mr. Biya did nothing.

Case eleven. The former General Manager of CRTV, Prof. Mendo Ze took direct instructions from Biya on the use and misuse of CRTV for propaganda purposes. It is known that under Mendo Ze, the news conference at CRTV first happened in some occultic chambers in the presidency before the propagandists and chorus boys at CRTV turned up to sing the song.

Ahidjo definitely knew Biya better than most. Ahidjo called him a "faible, a foubre et un manipulateur" or a weakling, a gossip and a manipulator. Pastor Myles Munroe defines leadership as "The ability to influence others through inspiration, generated by a passion, motivated by a vision, produced by a conviction, birth by a purpose." Where there is no inspiration, vision, conviction, purpose and goals, manipulation sets it. Mr. Biya never had the vision to be president. He had the job thrust upon him by Ahidjo. Small wonder the man can only be a consummate manipulator.

Other Important Paragraphs of Mr. Biya’s Constitution

Amendment of the Constitution

Article 63

(1) Amendments to the Constitution may be proposed either by the President of the Republic or by Parliament.

(2) Any proposed amendment made by a member of Parliament shall be signed by at least one-third of the members of either House.

(3) Parliament shall meet in congress when called upon to examine a draft or proposed amendment. The amendment shall be adopted by an absolute majority of the members of Parliament. The President of the Republic may request a second reading; in which case the amendment shall be adopted by a two-third Majority of the members of Parliament.

(4) The President of the Republic may decide to submit any bill to amend the Constitution to–a referendum; in which case the amendment shall be adopted by a simple majority of the votes cast.

Article 64

No procedure for the amendment of the Constitution affecting the republican form, unity and territorial integrity of the State and the democratic principles that govern the Republic shall be accepted.

Comments

[NGWESSE ERIC]

I am a student in the university of Dschang and in the department of Law and political science.I was inpress with topic in title Beware of Paul Biya the Consommate Manipulato.
I wish more impresing topics like that could be raised.
Long live the post

[red flag]

THE SAID CONSTITUTION OF CAMEROUN(FRENCH) WAS WRITTEN BY THE WHITE FRENCH MEN. AS WELL AS THEIR CURRENCY IS STILL FRENCH, PAUL MBIYA IS PRESIDENT FOR 27 YEARS AND EVEN FOR LIFE FOR THE FRENCH, SOO WITHALL THESE FACTS KNOWN, WHAT INTEREST HAVE ANY RIGHT MINDED BRITISH SOUTHERN CAMEROONIAN IN FRENCH CAMEROON POLITICS? IF ONLY WE THINK THIS WAY, THEN WE ARE FREE AT LAST